There exists a fascination with authoritarianism among many in Nepal’s civil society. In its benign form the idea manifests as support for constitutional monarchy, and in its malignant variety as support for a “benevolent” dictatorship.
The adjective benign has been used to describe constitutional monarchy for two primary reasons: firstly, constitutional monarchy by its definition means restricted power; secondly, regardless of how much monarchists crib its revival rivals necromancy, hence I will not bother myself or the readers with it. The word malignant is used to describe “benevolent” dictatorship because the conviction that there exists such a thing and worse that such a system is desirable in Nepal is mind numbingly irresponsible, and worrisome, especially when uttered by liberal tongues.
Fanned by the incoherence of the current political drama, many are convinced that what Nepal really needs is a strong educated single ruler rather than the bickering of the many. Inefficiency and incompetent rule of law is what bothers them the most. They want to trade democratic discourse for swift action, and would compromise civil liberties for the good of the country. For them it doesn’t matter where this dictator comes from –the right, the left –as long as he (it’s almost always a he) works for the national interest. A Nepali version –if you may –of Singapore’s Lee Kyon Yew.
This is how their basic argument goes: since the democratically created Constituent Assembly failed miserably, Nepal, perhaps, is not ready for democracy. Thus we need a “vanguard” singular to shepherd us in the ways of democratic citizenry. But until that training is complete we must follow, without questioning too much, his pre-defined national interest which, other things remaining same, will usher in an era of stability, unity, peace, and growth. Since we are not ready for democracy, we must go back to living under a dictatorship till we are ready for democracy.
What’s interesting is none of them ever define what this much talked about national interest is, how it can be measured, or even if there exists a singular narrative of this national interest. Of course they also conveniently conceal the fact that their interests are aligned to what they believe to be the larger interest of all Nepalis. Most repulsive is their propensity to hold hard earned freedoms hostage for the imaginary efficiency of authoritarianism. And no evidence presented to preclude the rule of this chimerical overlord seems to damage their romance.
No dictatorship, benevolent or otherwise, comes waving the flag of repression. All presume that they are working for the interest of the country. The initial euphoria of the royal coup was quickly substituted by fear and arbitrary application of law. Hitler’s rhetoric of the revival of the lost Aryan purity, or the Ayatollah Khomeini’s Islamic Republic were not dangerous on their own, it’s when they attracted mass appeal, and subsequently legitimacy, that these ideas became dangerous. The vile Col. Gadaffi declared himself “brother leader” of Libya and lived a good chunk of his life pretending he was a savior of sorts and ensuring everyone else played along. And he did lead his country unchallenged, did he not? Guiding a former kingdom into becoming a "Jamahariya" - a state of the masses, punishing corrupt officials, redistributing oil wealth -albeit disproportionately, and rolling back Western influence; but to what sad end? Sad for the Libyan, of course.
Many liberals bugged by this savior mentality opposed Gyanendra Shah’s doomed attempt at governance, yet it seems they have a masochistic need to be told what to do. They would prefer they were directed by an educated and hopefully like minded person than involve themselves in the dirty task of public discourse and democratic citizenry. The process of democratization is long, complex, and frustrating, but dictatorships alter the course of establishing strong democratic institutions that may take years to rebuild. In Nepal, at its present historical precipice, an unwavering commitment to democracy is more necessary than ever. Commit ourselves to the rule of law and democratic governance today and we set historic precedence for tomorrow.
At a time when Nepal has broken the chain of anachronistic governance it’s ridiculous to assume that one person has the answers to all its problems. Nepal has never been this educated or young or full of promise and to give the reign of governance to one unquestionable benevolent dictator is a boring prospect. This is a time for people to involve themselves in shaping the future of the country through art, through music, through discussion, through entrepreneurship, through politics; the “good of the country” is in promoting liberty not in chocking it.
This cult for a “savior” is not unique to Nepal alone. A little internet research and its advocates can be found all over the globe from the United States to Nigeria -thankfully in the minority. In a May, 2010 article for the Express Tribune’s Rubina Saigol exposes the misplaced belief in this oxymoronic title by looking at the four saviors in Pakistan’s history: Ayub Khan, Yahya Khan, General Zia, and Pervez Musharraf. Of the last one she comments “…fourth savior was hailed and welcomed as a liberal democrat by a naïve civil society, a clueless donor community and a misguided intelligentsia.” A similar naivety lurks within the Nepali civil society.
Our political leaders, and parties are at the zenith of incompetence. They represent fixed short term interests, instead of a long term visions demanded by the Nepali people. Their failure to produce a satisfactory document (or any document for that matter) in the 4 years they were given is a blotch on our democratic aspiration. And it’s justifiably difficult to be optimistic about our political future. But the solution cannot be cowering in front of one person to guide this diverse country at such a historical period.
Make no mistake most people supporting this idea of a “benevolent dictator” pretend to be liberals. Not radical Maoists or absolute monarchists. These are people who otherwise advocate a strong liberty of conciseness and association. The internet is littered with them, and they dole out their misplaced opinion to anyone who cares to listen. Many do. As a citizens of an aspiring democracy kudos to them for adding to the debate. However, what they say is nothing more than pseudo-intellectual blabber and people need to remind themselves of its false seduction.
